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Friday, August 29, 2003

LOCATION, LOCATION, LOCATION    A correction reported in the New York Times today:
"A picture caption on Sunday with an article about Israel's rejection of a conditional cease-fire offer from the Palestinian Authority misstated the location of two Palestinian children shown throwing rocks at an Israeli tank. They were running behind the tank, not in front of it."

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 10:48 PM | link   

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TAKING ON THE POPE OF PRINCETON   
There may be a hardcore of faithful who attribute Pope-like infallibility to Paul Krugman, but my email box has been stuffed this morning with messages from readers who feel a little bit differently.

An reader who identifies himself as "a National Guard officer" questions Krugman's claim in his New York Times column today that

"The rule of thumb, according to military experts, is that except during crises, only one brigade in three should be deployed abroad. Yet today 21 of the Army's 33 combat brigades are deployed overseas, 16 of them in Iraq."

Who are the "military experts?" Is today not a "crisis"? Who knows... but according the National Guard officer points to the website of GlobalSecurity.org (hey -- let's pull a Krugman -- the influential website of the non-partisan research group GlobalSecurity.org whose work is impeccable), and concludes,

"Since there are only 31 active combat brigades in the army, I am assuming he is including the two Armored Cavalry Regiments (although I doubt he even knows what an ACR is). Still, that makes not 21 out of 33, but 17 out of 33. 13 in Iraq, 2 in South Korea, and 2 in Afghanistan although one of them is rotating out. I am a National Guard officer, so I am pretty aware of who is there."

The Times claims that it "welcomes comments and suggestions, as well as information about errors that call for correction." So let's go for it, friends. Send them an email at nytnews@nytimes.com.


Henry Hanks at Croooow Blog points out this post on Lying in Ponds, in which anti-partisanship crusader Ken Waite (whose work is impeccable) takes on the Krugman infallibility crowd. As incredible as it seems, Krugman cardinal "Demosthenes" (of whom the Pope of Princeton once wrote in an act of reciprocal anointment, "GREAT blog name, by the way") has tried to make the case that Krugman's columns are not partisan. Waite responds,

"If one removes every direct Bush reference from consideration ('Bush,' 'Bush administration,' 'George W. Bush,' 'President Bush,' 'George Bush,' 'Bushies' etc.), there still would be enough remaining negative references to the 'administration,' Dick Cheney, etc. so that Mr. Krugman's total partisanship score would drop only from 74 to 73, second only to Ann Coulter out of our 32 active pundits.

"Well, what if we also remove all administration references which don't include the Bush name directly, such as 'administration,' 'White House,' 'the president' and other members of the administration such as Dick Cheney and Karl Rove? Even then, there would be enough remaining negative references to Tom DeLay, Arnold Schwarzenegger, and generic references to 'Republicans' so that Mr. Krugman's score would drop only to 53, still good enough for 8th place behind Mona Charen. In fact, even if every single Republican reference of any kind is ignored in Mr. Krugman's 2003 columns, his favorable treatment of Democrats alone would make his score 54, again earning him 8th place in total partisanship among the 32 active pundits!"


The anonymous blogger who runs the Goobage site questions Krugman's citation yesterday of a California tax burden distribution analysis from the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy.

"ITEP is funded by liberal foundations (Annie E. Casey Foundation, the Ford Foundation, the Joyce Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation and the Streisand Foundation), so anything they do is suspect at the start. ITEP depends upon taxing bodies (governments) and pro-tax or 'soak-the-rich' organizations, making them doubly suspect.

"ITEP's methodology uses federal income tax returns. How they arrive at the sales tax and property tax calculations must be a feat worthy of miracle status. Call the Pope, quick.

"ITEP uses a flagrant statisticulation technique in its breakdown to the lowest 20% through the fourth 20%, then the next 15%, the next 4%, and the top 1%. Although it's impossible to do so with the report and most likely impossible with its data, a fair comparison would have noted the lowest 1%, the next 4% and the next 15%. Then compare the top 1% and the lowest 1%. The figures for taxation most likely will completely reverse, although in fact the lowest 1% probably does not include people who pay negative taxes ('earned income' credit)."

Yet Krugman calls this kind of analysis "impeccable." It's the kind of think-tank-generated analysis that pundits cite all the time in order to lend authority to their claims -- and yet it is the pundits themselves who, by citing the data, give it the authority they claim for it in the first place. How does Paul Krugman know that ITEP's work is "impeccable"? What due diligence has he ever really done, expect to observe that their conclusions support Krugman's own desired outcomes? But now ITEP is anointed as "impeccable" by Paul Krugman, so now Paul Krugman and anyone else can cite them as an authority. It's reciprocal anointment -- no, a full-blown mutual-anointment society.


David Hogberg pointed out this interesting article by Arnold Kling today on Tech Central Station. Kling writes,

"Below are some economists who obtained degrees in a common academic environment. We are listed in the order of the number of years spent outside academia since we earned out Ph.D's.

  Economist Institution and Year Years Outside Academia
  Arnold Kling MIT, 1980 20
  Larry Summers Harvard, 1982 10
  Jeff Frankel MIT, 1978 4+
  Brad DeLong Harvard, 1980 2
  Paul Krugman MIT, 1977 1

"One thing that struck me in constructing this table is that if you were to align us politically from right to left, we would be in the same order. This probably would not have been true at the time that we received our degrees. My guess is that we were close to one another on the political spectrum at that time. I think all of us were pretty much on the less-than-extreme left back in the day, with Krugman not necessarily any more liberal than Kling. ...I feel that it is worth speculating on some possible reasons people who began with approximately the same training, background, and outlook might have diverged in their politics on the basis of life experiences."

There are many questions to be asked about which way the lines of causation run between academic life and left-liberal political leanings. But it's a fascinating topic -- as they say, read the whole thing.

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 2:40 PM | link   

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KRUGMAN'S VAST "I'M RIGHT" CONSPIRACY   
I continue to be both amazed and disturbed by the pathology evident in Paul Krugman's and his devotees' utter inability to admit any fault -- when there's so very much to admit. Krugman triumphantly cited the sycophantic "Bobby" of the online Krugman shrine who triumphantly cited Calpundit who has a theory that Krugman is really right after all about the rate of California spending growth -- "right," he argues, because the particular error he made is wrong in a different way than David Hogberg and I had pointed out. [Check Hogberg's blog for more on this.] It's sick stuff. It really is.

2001, A Space Odyssey -- click to buy it from Amazon.comWhat's broken in Krugman's soul that he can't just say, "Oops, I was wrong about that one. Spending growth wasn't 10% like I said -- it was either 13.4% (per Hogberg/Luskin) or 8.4% (per Calpundit). Either way, I, Krugman messed up. And when I said US soldiers in Iraq were only being given two 1.5 liter bottles of water per day, it was a mistake not to mention that they, in fact, had other sources of water -- and that they were, in fact, on programs of 'forced hydration.' And heck, I've been wrong about a couple other things, too. Why not? I have to write a column twice a week. Try it -- you'd make some mistakes too!"

And what's wrong with "Bobby" and Calpundit and Atrios and all the other do-or-die Krugman fanatics who seem to need to pretend, publicly at least, that Krugman is infallible? Dudes -- he's not the Pope.

Now Krugman is taking another whack at justifying the outlandish claim from his New York Times column a week ago that California "isn't a high tax state," with a note posted yesterday on his personal website. Krugman reproduces a tax burden distribution table from an Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy study. As usual, there is the disclaimed disclaimer: ITEP is, he says, a "definitely liberal think tank" but its work is "impeccable." Okay, someone with more patience than I have at the moment, follow the link and try to get past all the populist pandering and try to figure out what twisted definition of "income" is being used in this impeccable work, and tell me why poor people in California seem to be paying so much more than rich people in California. I live in California. It just don't work this way, folks.

But that's not the point. Be that as it may -- even granting that this proves Krugman's claim (which I do not grant) -- where the hell was this a week ago when he wrote his Times column? In the posting today, Krugman begins with "Aha. Somehow I forgot about another source of information of [sic] California taxes..."

Savor that for a moment, and consider its implications.

"Aha. Somehow I forgot..."

A week ago Krugman could only make vague claims about tax rates in the 1990s, and say "they're now probably below average." So now, a week later, we're supposed to believe he suddenly remembered what he really wanted to say all along! That column a week ago wasn't under-researched, after all -- he just forgot what the research was!

Forgot, my ass. He got lucky. He spent the last week poring over the thousand-and-one lies, distortions, omissions and guesses that I an others nailed his hide for -- and on this one he got lucky. On this one at least he came up with something. And so he says he forgot!

As, I guess, we are supposed to forget about all the other lies, distortions, omissions and guesses that he didn't get lucky on, and say yes... you were right all along!

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 2:58 AM | link   


Thursday, August 28, 2003

MORE GROSS DISTORTIONS    Our friend Bruce Bartlett piles on.
"I may have missed it in 'Gross Distortions' [8/27/2003], but I think you neglected to mention that Bush's original proposal was to abolish dividend taxation and have a basis adjustment for retained earnings. What he got was much less than that. This is also a typical liberal trick. Compare claims based on a full loaf with the half-loaf actually delivered and then complain about the results."

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 12:07 PM | link   


Wednesday, August 27, 2003

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THE INEVITABLE DIRT ON ARNOLD   
The Smoking Gun has the smoking gun on Arnold Schwarzenegger. It's the inevitable dirt on early-career sex, drugs and rock-and-roll that the California recall race has been waiting for. The only surprise, actually, is what particular form it would take. All I can say is that if he's got the right policy prescription and leadership drive to get California out of the mess it's in, then none of this ought to matter.

But it's too bad Schwarzenegger never lied about any of it. Then he could have been a beloved Democratic president. And it's too bad none of the girls involved in this drowned. Then could have had a lifetime career in the Senate.

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 7:53 PM | link   

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GROSS DISTORTIONS   
It makes me mad when media pundits play fast and loose with the facts to push their political agendas. But I guess all's fair in love and politics. However, when the pundits fall back on sleazy techniques when they write about investing -- that's when I really see red. If you fall for those lies, it can cost you money. They're no longer trying to shove political bias down your throat -- they're taking part in what I call the conspiracy to keep you poor and stupid.

Take a look at a recent piece titled "Dividend Dead End" by Slate's financial columnist Daniel Gross. Gross wants you to think that this year's tax cuts on dividends and capital gains were a failure, and that the Bush administration lied about their likely positive effects on the stock market. Indeed, in an interview with me last week, he said that he thought the administration's claims about the stock market were just like its claims about weapons of mass destruction in Iraq.

The difference in the dividend case, though, is that we've already found the WMD. The stock market is at or near its year-to-date high, and it logged most of its recovery since April -- when the Bush administration and Republicans in Congress got serious about enacting the tax cuts. The burden of proof is squarely on anyone who'd try to say that the tax cuts didn't boost the market like the administration said they would. But Gross has no proof -- instead he had to resort to distortions to support the insupportable point he set out to make. Gross distortions, as it were.

Since Gross can't deny that stocks overall have recovered, he claims instead that "stocks that pay dividends have fared worse" than those that don't. Gross cites statistics from Standard and Poor's showing that from June through mid-August, dividend payers returned 2.5%, while non-payers returned 3.9%. Since the beginning of the year, S&P says the payers have returned 13.6% while the non-payers have returned 31.7% (only the latter statistics appear in this S&P press release that Gross links to). Fared worse?? Maybe to a Democratic partisan. To an unbiased observer the dividend-payers have fared spectacularly, while the non-payers have fared ultra-spectacularly.

But for Gross it's more than just a prejudicial choice of adverbs. He cites Standard and Poor's statistics showing that from 1980 to 2002, dividend-payers have done 2.7% better annually than non-payers. Citing one highly debatable argument for why companies that raise their dividends might perform poorly, Gross concludes, "the Bushies have managed to turn the same trick they first performed on the whole economy on a subset of the economy. They've turned a perennial outperformer into a chronic underperformer."

Pretty damning -- until you bother to look at the facts. I talked to Howard Silverblatt, the S&P analyst who came up with the statistics cited by Gross. Silverblatt told me that his statistics about the relative performance of dividend-payers and non-payers actually have very little to do with dividends. He said, "It's like looking at who drives what kind of car. Rich people drive fancy cars. Does the fancy car make them rich?"

Silverblatt says, "when you plot this, you are plotting technology." The whole reason why non-payers appear to have done so well this year is that this group is dominated by technology stocks -- which have done very well this year, as have other smaller, riskier companies. I ran the numbers for myself -- and as the chart here shows, he's right. And Silverblatt went on to say the reason why dividend-payers appear to have done so much better than non-payers from 1980 to 2002 is mostly a function of the end-point he chose for that calculation -- 2002 marked the bottom of a terrible bear market in non-paying technology stocks. If he'd chosen 1999 instead -- near the top of the bull market in technology stocks -- the relative performance would be quite different.

In other words, paying or not paying dividends is nearly irrelevant to performance according to Silverblatt. Gross told me that he didn't even talk to Silverblatt before writing his column.

I not only talked to Silverblatt -- I took it to the next level. I went to BARRA, the investment analysis firm used by the world's largest and most sophisticated institutional investors to help understand the true risk dynamics of their portfolios. BARRA's techniques allow us to do more than just sort stocks into two bins -- dividend-paying and non-paying -- as though that were the only important distinction. Instead, they allow us to look separately at just the effect on returns arising from a company's dividend yield -- filtering out any side-effects from its industry group, its beta, and dozens of other factors.

Seen with through this more powerful lens, it turns out -- amazingly! -- that dividend-payers have actually outperformed non-payers this year, holding all other factors constant. Guy Miller at BARRA told me that this year's outperformance cuts against two decades of underperformance -- exactly the opposite of Gross's claim that the Bush administration has "turned a perennial outperformer into a chronic underperformer." Miller also noted that the return to the pure dividend yield factor was more statistically significant during the days in May running up to President Bush's putting his signature on the tax cuts than at any other time in history.

Of course, it wouldn't be a modern-day left-liberal column if the "Bush lied" element were not included. So Gross quotes President Bush saying, "by ending double-taxation of dividends, we will increase the return on investing." And isn't that precisely what happened? Have returns this year not been better than returns last year, or the year before last? They have been indeed. And did Bush or any administration official ever say that dividend-paying stocks would do better than non-payers? Maybe some pundits or Wall Street economists did -- but the Bush administration never did (neither did I, for what it's worth).

And Gross doesn't quote any among several like-minded analysts as saying it, either. Yet Gross treats their predictions that the overall stock market would be lifted by the tax cuts -- precisely what happened -- as though that were a lie, simply because non-paying technology stocks have done better this year. Gross singles out one tax cut advocate, Larry Kudlow (my colleague at National Review Online), for particularly gratuitous verbal violence, saying his "assurance is matched only by his capacity for issuing loonily high forecasts." Well, right now Kudlow's forecasts (and mine) are looking damn good. And by the way, Gross apparently doesn't know that Kudlow's "loonily high forecasts" made him the number-one ranked economist for forecast accuracy in a 2002 study by the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta.

Would you be better off if, earlier this year, you'd listened to President Bush and Larry Kudlow and me when we said that these tax cuts would lift the stock market? Yes. What if you'd listened to Gross a year ago, when he wrote in his Slate column that cutting the tax on dividends was "bear-market desperation" and a "harebrained proposal" to "establish yet another source of tax-free income for the undeserving rich." I don't know about the rich, but I know that you and I are deserving of better financial forecasting than that.

And one more thing. Nowhere in Gross's column does he bother to mention the fact that Bush's tax cuts weren't just on dividend income -- but on capital gains and labor income, too. So whatever effect he observes in the market overall, or between dividend-paying and non-paying stocks, he can hardly pin it all on just one element of Bush's overall tax cuts. Even if the administration had asserted (which it did not) that dividend tax relief would especially benefit dividend-payers (which BARRA's analysis suggests that it did) -- it could still be the case, at the same time, that other elements of the tax-cuts benefited non-payers even more.

Or, hey -- maybe none of it had anything to do with tax cuts at all. Maybe it was the Bush administration's decisive action in the invasion of Iraq (no, can't be that -- a quagmire!). Or maybe it was the way the Bush administration is handling the federal budget (no, can't be that -- deficits as far as the eye can see!). Wait... I know what it is! It's the stock market "looking across the valley" already beginning to anticipate the presidency of Howard Dean. Well, that one will have to wait for Daniel Gross's next column.

But my advice would be don't hold your breath waiting. And whatever you do, don't make any investment decisions based on it!

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 12:09 AM | link   


Tuesday, August 26, 2003

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GREAT UNRAVELING, ONCE-GREAT MIND   
If it weren't for the satisfaction I take in seeing justice served, and for being one among the agents of justice, I must say that I would feel sorry for Paul Krugman this week. Judging by two postings that went up today on his personal website, and by his New York Times column today, it seems that we are seeing the beginning of a personal and professional "great unraveling." That is, coincidentally, the name of his soon-to-be-released new book. But now I have in mind a passage from another book, one to the author and philosophy of which I have no doubt Krugman is quite entirely opposed:

"...nothing remained alive among the ruins -- except, for some endless minutes longer, a huddle of torn flesh and screaming pain that had once been a great mind."

It used to be that Krugman simply ignored my critiques of his lies and his errors in haughty silence -- heaven knows the corrections page of the Times did. When he responded at all it was with big-time Princeton economics professor elephant-shit, and once even an attempt at humor. How different it is today, when he finally responds to my repeated accusations that he miscalculated the growth of California state spending as 10%, when his own cited source has it at 13.4%. His response? He links to the home page of the Krugman fan-site maintained by his toady "Bobby," who in turn links to the Calpundit blog who calculates it as 8.4%. Am I "missing the point," as Krugman says? I don't see how -- 10% isn't 8.4% any more than it's 13.4%. Krugman's wrong either way -- and the pitiful thing about it is that it seems to comfort him simply to be wrong in a different way than I said he was. That, now, is equivalent in his mind to being "right."

And there's this sad little "Hi mom!" gesture -- as he posts a brief and luke-warm Publisher's Weekly review of his new book. Well, we're all reeeal proud of our boy, Paul.

And then... his New York Times column...

What happened over the weekend? The self-assured voice that condescended so witheringly just last Friday to "the bodybuilder who would be governor" has been replaced by what Robert Musil perfectly describes today on the Man Without Qualities blog as a "tiny whine." I can add nothing to what Musil has already written:

"...instead of struggling as of old to compress complex issues to such small space, one senses Herr Doktorprofessor is struggling to inflate the column to fill the space. But there's no denying that the entire column can be presented as follows:

"It is my unsupported view that the Bush administration gave New York less money than it deserved following 9/11, and lied to everybody about the effects of the 9/11 attacks to support that reduced level of giving, because the Bush administration doesn't like spending on New Yorkers.

"There. Did I leave anything significant out? I want to avoid Dowdification! Of course, the reduction job has been made easier by this column's repeated admissions that nothing in it is supported by actual evidence ('I suspect that there was another reason ...' and 'A source told Mr. Tomasky that Mr. Gramm...' and 'I can't prove that was what administration officials were thinking ...'). A pure, smear simplicitas!"

"...Maybe I left out just one little thing, which appears in this confession of the column's inflated state in its author's own hand:

"'That sums it up: even after 9/11, hard-line conservatives opposed any spending, no matter how justified, that wasn't on weapons or farm subsidies, while some people from America's "red states" just hate big-city folk.'

"...What might 'just hate big-city folk' be code for? Gee, if some uberpaleopopulist politician were to go around railing that everybody should just hate big-city folk for the pernicious things they are supposedly doing to America, who do you think would probably be his elliptical target? Would one have to have a triple digit IQ to figure out whom he meant? I suppose we should be grateful that he saves us the wince and doesn't accuse the Administration and Congressional Republicans of hating cosmopolitans.

"Could Herr Doktorprofessor's entire column today really amount to a smear against of the Bush Administration along the lines of:

"I, Paul Krugman, am so filled with hate that I propose seriously and publicly -- but in the same deniable code used by loathsome anti-Semites all over the world -- that the Bush administration lied to and underfunded New Yorkers following 9/11 because the administration is influenced by anti-Semites who just hate big-city folk so much that they like lying to them so those hated big-city folk can't protect their health and are cheated out of their appropriate compensation.

"And there is that awkward, grudging admission: 'In the end, New York seems to have gotten its $20 billion — barely.'"

Musil's right. This column, for all Krugman's strange disconnected quotes from Salon.com and New York magazine and his paranoid inferences about what this or that Senator was thinking and when and why in order to cheat the "big-city folk" in New York out of their post-9/11 aid money, ends with... New York got the money anyway. And just who overrode the Bush administration so that New York could get the money? The Democratic majority in Congress? I don't think so.

It is indeed the great unraveling. I'll leave it to others to judge whether, indeed, this great unraveling is of what "had once been a great mind."

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 7:40 PM | link   

WELCOME TO CAMP FED    Our friend Caroline Baum crashes the Fed's super-secret power-party in Jackson Hole -- and reveals the boring things they don't want you to know they're talking about.

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 1:13 PM | link   

MORE DEFICIT SCARE TALK    A reader points out this AP wire story -- a scare story about the record deficits recalculated today by the Congressional Budget Office. It's not till the very last sentence that they say, "Many economists look more at the percentage of GDP than raw dollars in assessing the impact of federal budget deficits on the economy." And no statistics on that are given.

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 11:29 AM | link   

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CONCERNING KRUGMAN THE ECONOMIST   
Having left no doubt about what I think about Paul Krugman the pundit, a reader asked me recently what I thought of Paul Krugman the economist. To give you some idea, let me quote economist Steve H. Hanke in a paper just published in the Cato Journal -- "The Argentine Straw Man: A response to Currency Board Critics."  Remember as you read this that Krugman's distinction as an economist, such as it is, derives from his theories of international trade, particularly currency crises. Thank goodness that Krugman's work as a public intellectual has so degraded his professional reputation as an economist that there is now no risk whatsoever that he will ever have a voice in policy, even under some future Democratic administration.

Hanke writes,

"Argentina's recent crisis...has spawned a deluge of commentary on alternative exchange rate regimes. The majority of this writing (aimed at both an academic and lay readership) contains elementary analytical and factual errors...

"The fact that Argentina did not have a full-fledged, orthodox currency board did not stop critics, as they dissected the Argentine crisis, from pointing an accusatory finger at currency boards...Paul Krugman (2001a), in particular, lamented: 'Because the currency board allows no flexibility in monetary policy, policymakers cannot respond, Greenspan-style, by opening the monetary spigots.'

"If the currency board critics had bothered to read the BCRA's [i.e., the Argentine central bank's] charter, examine its balance sheet, and recognize the flood of regulations pouring from the pens of the central bankers, they would have concluded that the convertibility law did not create a true currency board. Instead, what Argentina really had was a central bank with a pegged exchange rate and a domestic monetary policy, distinguished by the unique feature of the convertibility of pesos into dollars on demand. And like most central banks employing a pegged exchange rate, the Argentine system proved vulnerable to conflicts between the peg (the exchange rate policy) and domestic monetary policy (Hanke 1998). A proper examination of the convertibility system would have led any informed and objective observer to conclude that the rules of the game contained in the BCRA's charter were flawed and that garden-variety missteps by the authorities led to the system's eventual demise...

"Currency board critics assert that the peso's one-to-one link with the dollar under convertibility left the peso overvalued and made Argentine exports uncompetitive, contributing to a general economic malaise. Krugman (2000), for example, declared 'Argentine producers find themselves priced out of world markets.' ...

"Does their story withstand examination? Argentina's exports increased every full year during convertibility except 1999, when Brazil, its largest trading partner, suffered a currency crisis. Even during the first 11 months of 2001, exports were about 3.2 percent ahead of exports during the same period in 2000 (Liskey 2001). Argentina's export performance was relatively strong, outpacing a mere 0.9 per-cent real increase in world trade. Indeed, the export sector was, at the time, one of the few bright spots in the Argentine economy. If the rest of the economy had been growing as fast as the export sector during 2000 and 2001, Argentina would not have experienced a recession.

"In attempts to demonstrate the peso's overvaluation, some observers asserted (on the basis of taxi rides from the airport or other casual impressions) that prices were high in Buenos Aires, and that high prices were evidence that the peso was significantly overvalued against the dollar. A Union Bank of Switzerland survey of prices in 58 of the world's largest cities found that for a weighted basket of 111 goods and services—including three categories of house rent— Buenos Aires ranked 22nd, about midway between the most expensive city, Tokyo, and the least expensive, Bombay...

"Having conjured up news of a fire, the devaluationist bucket brigade set out to douse the flames. For them, a peso devaluation, pesofication of the economy, and a floating exchange rate would save the day...Paul Krugman (2001b) concurred...

"Needless to say, the bucket brigade's water turned out to be gasoline. President Duhalde chose to abandon the convertibility system by decree on January 6, 2002, 'pesofy' the economy and bank balance sheets asymmetrically, and float the peso on February 12, 2002. It is important to stress that the Duhalde devaluation was more than a garden-variety devaluation because he violated the convertibility law's redemption pledge—the government's legal obligation to redeem 1 peso for 1 dollar. Even though the Argentine courts subsequently ruled, in September 2002, that the pesofication of the economy and devaluation were illegal, a confiscation of peso holders' property (i.e., the central bank's dollar reserves of $17.8 billion) occurred in January 2002 (Hanke 2003).

"The devaluation did indeed push Argentina's trade account into surplus—making imports three times more expensive will do that. Exports fell in dollar terms by 4.5 percent from 2001 to 2002, while imports imploded, shrinking by 55.7 percent over the same period."

The links to Krugman's New York Times columns did not appear in Hanke's original text.

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 12:41 AM | link   


Monday, August 25, 2003

CRACKED    Here's the "business" story the New York Times has waited a lifetime for -- almost: the one-time zillionaire investment banker who is now a penniless crack addict. What better for above the fold in the Sunday "Money & Business" section. Too bad, though, that he had to be the right-hand-man to Democratic Party power-broker Felix Rohatyn. Oh well, the Times can always hope that more fallen high-fliers will become crack addicts, and maybe one of them will be a Republican. Tomorrow is another day.

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 11:07 AM | link   

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KRUGMAN'S THREE-WEEK CALIFORNIA MIRACLE   
California's recall election puts Paul Krugman in a tough position. In his New York Times column just three weeks ago, he wrote that "the Golden State is degenerating into a banana republic." He said it was in "a severe fiscal crisis" and undergoing a "slide into irresponsibility." But now that Republican front-runner Arnold Schwarzenegger has expressed his own version of some of the same concerns, Krugman has had to change his mind. In his Friday Times column, he argues -- just three weeks later! -- that things in California really aren't so bad after all.

But first, America's most dangerous liberal pundit indulges in his usual tactic of argumentation by condescension. Krugman begins his column by dismissing Schwarzenegger as "the bodybuilder who would be governor." Why not the multi-centimillionaire entrepreneur/investor who would be governor, or even the world-famous actor who would be governor? Or perhaps the holder of a degree in economics who would be governor? The subtext is loud and clear to my ear: what the Princeton Brahmin means to be understood as saying is, "the stupid immigrant who would be governor."

The condescension continues when Krugman accuses Schwarzenegger of lying about the California economy (by being as negative about it as Krugman was three weeks ago). Krugman says Schwarzenegger has "already managed to say a number of things that his advisers must know are true lies." You see, his advisors know -- the stupid immigrant doesn't.

Krugman says it is "pure fantasy" for Schwarzenegger to say "that the state is bleeding jobs because of its 'hostile environment' toward business, and that California residents groan under an oppressive tax burden." What, then, is Krugman's vision of the truth about the Golden State?

'Moulin Rouge' -- click here to order the DVD from Amazon.com!Krugman claims, "One look at the numbers tells you that his story is fiction. Since the mid-1990's California has added jobs considerably faster than the nation as a whole." So Robert Musil took "one look at the numbers" on his Man Without Qualities blog. He writes,

"A simple review of the California unemployment rate since, say, 1983, clearly indicates why Herr Doktorprofessor chose his faux-arbitrary 'since the mid-1990's' base -- it is exactly the base that obscures the problematic nature of California employment most, because unemployment had a peak around 1995,  and then declined until 2001."

When he wants to make declining unemployment look good, Krugman starts in "the mid-1990's" at its peak. But in his column three weeks ago, when he wanted to minimize the role of California's state spending in its "severe fiscal crisis," he used 1989-1990 as his base -- the last spending peak. Even then he couldn't get the math right -- he claimed that the 13.4% growth in real per capita spending was only 10%. I'm still waiting for a correction on that one. But if he'd measured it from "the mid-1990's" it would have been several multiples of either 13.4% or 10%.

Whatever head-games Krugman wishes to play by carefully selecting his base period, there's nothing he can do but deliberately ignore the recent data that proves that California is, indeed, "bleeding jobs." The Los Angeles Times reported on August 8 that

"...the state's employers axed another 21,800 jobs or nearly half the positions lost in the entire nation last month, according to government data released today... The state's unemployment rate dropped two-tenths of a percentage point to 6.6% in July, but only because more people quit looking for work and dropped out of the labor force... The U.S. unemployment rate was 6.2% in July."

Musil goes further when he points out that "even during the boom of the 1990's, the California unemployment rate has been consistently and substantially higher than that of the nation as a whole." He observes that to ignore these facts, and rely instead on citing only employment growth since "the mid-1990s" seems "rather fast and loose for someone who characterized making jobs 'easier to find' as 'what matters most' in the economy" in his Times column just last Tuesday. Musil asks:

"Can President Bush tell everyone that they shouldn't worry about the US unemployment rate because what really matters this week is how many jobs the US has created since the mid 1990's? If Mr. Bush did that, would his aides start brushing up on the 25th Amendment?"

Krugman goes on to claim that "while the state has been hit hard by the technology slump, it has done no worse than other parts of the country. A recent study found that California's tech sector had actually weathered the slump better than its counterpart in Texas." Krugman didn't choose to cite the source of the "recent study," but it was easy to figure out that this it was in fact a press release put out last month by the Center for Continuing Study of the California Economy. Odd he didn't cite the source -- per his standard operating procedure, he could have called it "the highly respected non-partisan Center for Continuing Study of the California Economy."

It turns out that "weathering the slump" means "California has lost 20.7% of computer and electronic product manufacturing jobs -- slightly less than the nationwide 21.8% decline and below the 25.4% drop in Texas." I asked CCSCE Director Stephen Levy why he'd limited his "study" only to jobs (as opposed to, say, business starts or gross billings), and only to jobs in computer and electronic product manufacturing (as opposed to, say, software or services). The answer: jobs in that narrow sector were the only thing he could get data on.

That said, Levy told me he doesn't believe that there is any evidence for thinking that California has been, in the past at least, a "hostile environment" for business. But he is worried that it is now becoming one. He cited a concern expressed by Schwarzenegger that the explosively escalating expense of California's mandatory worker's compensation program "could be a very serious disadvantage going forward." Indeed, the California Chamber of Commerce cites worker's comp reform as the number one business issue in  the state. Predictably, Krugman doesn't even mention it.

Krugman's most outrageous claim is that "California isn't a high-tax state: through the 1990's, state and local taxes as a share of personal income more or less matched the national average, and with the recent plunge in revenue they're now probably below average." More of this "the mid-1990s" stuff. Yes, yes... in 1995 California indeed ranked 24th in tax burden among all the states -- right in the middle. But John Hinderaker asks on the Powerline blog,

"What, exactly, is Krugman suggesting? That data on state and local tax burdens hasn't become available since the mid-1990's? Or is he telling us that...it's just too much trouble for him to look up the current data, and he prefers to speculate that California taxes are 'probably below average'? Krugman is revealing something, I guess, about his own indolence, since it takes less than one minute to locate 2003 data on tax burden by state. And it turns out -- surprise, surprise -- that California, far from being 'probably below average,' actually has the 8th highest tax burden of the 50 states..."

No, it's not indolence -- it's what Krugman himself would call "denial and deception." Musil notes that "the non-partisan California Budget Project" cited as an authoritative source in Krugman's California column three weeks ago "concedes that California ranked 11th in the nation with state and local taxes for 1999-00." And Musil notes that it would rank even higher if Krugman has his tax-hiking way.

David Hogberg makes a penetrating observation about this on his Cornfield Commentary blog. Say California taxes are "now probably below average" because of the state's "recent plunge in revenue." Hogberg notes that would only "be true if California was the only state or one of only a few states to see a drop in revenue." And that makes me wonder: isn't California supposed to be "weathering the slump"?

Krugman chides Schwarzenegger for saying "his advisers couldn't make 'heads or tails' of the California budget." Then more condescension toward the stupid immigrant: "Please. The details are complicated, but the broad picture isn't. Education dominates the budget, accounting for more than half of general fund spending."

Yet just three weeks ago Krugman himself said that the "much of the recent growth of education spending was mandated by a rather complex measure called Proposition 98" and wrote about a budget held together by "elaborate fiscal footwork." But infinitely more credible on the complexity and craziness of the California budget are comments by Dan Weintraub, the Sacramento Bee's veteran political columnist, on his California Insider blog. Weintraub says,

"...as someone who has spent the last 15 years studying the budget every year from cover to cover, I think Arnold is more right than wrong. I don’t think the craziness absolves him of the obligation to spell out his plans in more detail. But the thing is seriously screwy. And some of the recent bookkeeping moves would shame Enron."

As but one of several astonishing examples, Weintraub writes,

"The state will sell a $10.7 billion bond measure to finance the deficit that was accumulated by the end of the last fiscal year. This bond will be repaid by a portion of the sales tax. But to get around a constitutional prohibition on such borrowing, the Legislature and Gov. Davis have created a special fund into which money from a portion the sales tax will flow until the bonds are repaid. This is not considered a debt because each year the Legislature will vote anew to use the money in the new fund to repay the bonds. The flow of money into the fund was created by increasing the state sales tax a half-cent, reducing the local sales tax by a half-cent, shifting property tax money from the schools to city and county governments to make up for the half-cent reduction in the sales tax, and then shifting tax money from the state to the schools to make up for their loss of property tax.

"If that’s not crazy, I don’t know what is."

Sheer partisanship -- and sheer pique that Republicans have managed to launch a credible assault on the Democrats' California fortress -- no doubt drives Krugman to tell lies about the California economy and indulge in such offensive condescension against an honorable candidate. But if you look beyond the condescension in the following paragraph, you'll see the heart of the actual philosophical difference that separates Krugman and Schwarzenegger:

"When Mr. Schwarzenegger threw his biceps into the ring, he seemed to think that, like George W. Bush, he could adopt a what-me-worry approach to budget deficits. 'The first thing that you have to do is not worry about should we cut the programs or raise the taxes and all those things,' he told Fox News."

Krugman -- the sophisticated economist who is said to be in line for a Nobel Prize -- thinks of a state budget as a simple zero-sum game. When you start with a deficit, the only moves you can make in the game are to cut spending and/or raise taxes. But Schwarzenegger -- the stupid immigrant whose economics degree is from what was mostly correspondence study at a second-rate midwestern university -- sees a state budget as a richly detailed positive-sum game in which many different kinds of moves are possible. When you start with a deficit, Schwarzenegger knows that the best moves in the game are to adjust spending, taxing and regulation so as to accelerate economic growth.

Schwarzenegger knows that if growth can be rekindled in California, tax revenues will swell without an increase in tax rates. There will be plenty of money to spend on education and everything else.

But Krugman's too smart for that, I guess. He's so smart he's arguing that more growth is impossible in California because everything's wonderful already. And he's so smart that, at the same time, on the national level, he persists in saying that everything's horrible so that he won't have to credit President Bush's pro-growth tax cuts for stimulating economic recovery. Thank the Lord that Krugman's the only guy who's not on the ballot in California's recall election. And that the not-so-stupid immigrant is on it.

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 4:54 AM | link   


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